Section 337 Case at the International Trade Commission Seeks to End Forced Labor in Indian Shrimp Supply Chain

Today, U.S. shrimpers filed a complaint with the U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC) to block imports of shrimp from India that are produced with forced labor. The complaint, filed under Section 337 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (codified at 19 U.S.C. § 1337), argues that forced labor constitutes an unfair act or method of competition under the statute.

Corporate Accountability Lab (CAL), along with Picard, Kentz & Rowe, LLP, represents two U.S. shrimpers: Versaggi Shrimp Corp. and W & W Dock, LLP. These shrimpers catch high-quality shrimp in full compliance with U.S. labor laws, ensuring respect for fundamental labor rights.  

These domestic shrimpers are threatened, however, by major Indian shrimp companies that rely on forced labor to keep their prices low. To that end, the shrimpers have named Nekkanti Sea Foods Ltd., an Indian shrimp producer alleged to rely on forced labor in their shrimp processing facilities, as proposed respondents in the case. The shrimpers also included Nekkanti’s upstream importers and sellers as proposed respondents: wholesaler Eastern Fish, and U.S. grocery store chains ALDI, Meijer, and Ahold Delhaize (owner of Food Lion, Giant, Hannaford, and Stop & Shop).

The U.S. shrimpers are asking the ITC to issue an exclusion order that would stop all shrimp produced by Nekkanti with forced labor from entering the United States. This blog summarizes their claims. 

The Facts: Alleged Forced Labor in India

In 2024, CAL released a report – Hidden Harvest – detailing conditions in the Indian shrimp industry, including at two of proposed respondent Nekkanti’s facilities in Andhra Pradesh. That reporting, along with investigations from the Outlaw Ocean Project, the Associated Press, and CNN, documented the abhorrent conditions of the largely female workforce in the Indian shrimp sector. As the complainants in this case have alleged, those conditions in many instances include forced labor. 

Nekkanti is a large shrimp exporter, producing over 32,000 metric tons of shrimp each year, most of which is sold to the United States. Nekkanti produces shrimp via aquaculture, meaning that they sell shrimp raised from “seeds” (small shrimp eggs) in hatcheries and, later, in large saltwater ponds. Their facilities are concentrated in Andhra Pradesh, a state on the southeast coast of India. (Nekkanti owns some shrimp farms, but they are best known for processing fully-grown shrimp.)

Most of the workers at Nekkanti are women, and many of them are migrants from other Indian states, especially Odisha, where climate change or worsening economic prospects have forced families to give up farming. Many of these migrant workers are especially vulnerable as they are members of the Dalit caste or of the Adivasi tribal group. According to the complaint, these workers live in guarded company hostels. Proposed respondent Nekkanti allegedly restricts the workers’ movements, in certain cases only allowing them to leave their lodgings once a month, and even then the complaint maintains that the workers are under strict curfews and often monitored.

Not only do most of these workers earn less than the minimum wage in Andhra Pradesh, in certain cases they report not being paid for overtime work. Many of the workers at Nekkanti are paid through third-party contractors, not by the companies themselves, and these contractors take a cut of the workers’ already paltry wages. In some cases, as the complaint alleges, workers must pay a month’s wages to the contractor every year. Workers have also reported that they do not have official contracts for their employment. Recruitment fees, underpayment, and exploitation leave workers trapped in their jobs without any hope of improving their position. These risks are enhanced for migrant workers, who often have preexisting debt, do not speak the local language, and have limited social connections. 

Complainants’ allegations against Nekkanti are similar to reports of conditions in the Indian shrimp industry more broadly, where the working conditions at processing plants are abusive and dangerous. The U.S. Department of State described “indicators of forced labor . . . in some shrimp and aquaculture facilities, particularly in Andhra Pradesh.” According to other reporting, women workers handle frozen shrimp for hours on end; some have reported frostbitten fingers, while others have contracted nail fungus. Some workers suffer fainting spells from standing for long hours in the cold processing plants without adequate food. On top of the harsh physical conditions, managers verbally abuse workers, especially women, for simply talking amongst themselves or taking too long to use the restroom.

The alleged conditions that workers at Nekkanti’s processing facilities endure to produce shrimp for U.S. grocery stores constitute forced labor. The International Labour Organization (ILO) defines forced labor as “all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily.” Several of the ILO’s indicators of forced labor are present at these facilities: abuse of vulnerability, restriction of movement, withholding of wages, excessive working hours, debt bondage, and abusive working and living conditions.  

Impacts on the U.S. Market

The scourge of forced labor not only impacts the workers; it also affects the U.S. shrimp market. Nekkanti and wholesaler Eastern Fish sell shrimp to U.S. grocery stores, including to proposed respondents ALDI, Meijer, and Ahold Delhaize. These stores sell shrimp from Nekkanti alongside domestic shrimp from the U.S. Gulf Coast. Consequently, U.S. shrimpers such as the complainants must compete with shrimp produced with forced labor, which can sell at a lower price. 

Complainants argue that Nekkanti has an enormous and unfair advantage over the complainants because they use forced labor at their facilities. Forced labor is cheap – companies use it to cut costs, and the U.S. Trade Representative estimates that global forced labor generates $150 billion in profits annually.  As complainants allege, Nekkanti does not pay their workers fair wages or spend money on adequate living and working facilities. The oppressive conditions workers allegedly face at Nekkanti plants allow the companies to cut corners and costs, leading to a cheaper end product for the supermarkets. 

Complainants cannot compete with Nekkantis’ unfairly low prices. These domestic shrimpers pay their workers fair wages and conduct their business in full compliance with U.S. law. Because complainants do not cut corners on labor costs as the Indian shrimp companies do, they cannot afford to charge the same low price for their products. As Justin Versaggi of complainant Versaggi Shrimp put it: “It’s been absolutely crippling, and it’s just not fair . . . We can’t compete with foreign . . . sweatshop-type labor.”

The Argument: Forced Labor at the ITC

These facts, as complainants allege, are sufficient to support a Section 337 complaint. Complainants argue that importing goods produced with forced labor violates federal law and distorts competitive conditions, harming a U.S. industry and therefore requiring the ITC, under Section 337, to issue an exclusion order. The goal is to enable victims of forced labor and affected U.S. industries to obtain a powerful trade remedy.

The ITC, which considers complaints under Section 337, typically deals with intellectual property disputes. Section 337, by its terms, prohibits “[u]nfair methods of competition and unfair acts in the importation of goods” that have a harmful effect on a U.S. domestic industry. Complainants argue that proposed respondent’s alleged use of forced labor is just such an “unfair act or method of competition” that the ITC can and should address. This understanding does not stretch the statute or expand it beyond its scope. Section 337 itself does not define what constitutes an unfair method of competition or unfair act. Nor does the text of the statute limit the ITC’s jurisdiction solely to patent or intellectual property disputes.

The legislative history of Section 337 shows that the drafters intended for unfair methods and acts to be broadly construed, covering every type of unfair practice. The 1922 Senate Report on the Tariff Act states that “[t]he provision relating to unfair methods of competition in the importation of goods is broad enough to prevent every type and form of unfair practice.” Further, as the former Court of Customs and Patent Appeals explained in a foundational case, In re Von Clemm, in Section 337 procedures, Congress “intended to allow wide discretion in determining what practices are to be regarded as unfair.” As such, complainants argue, Congress invested the ITC with authority to deal with a wide range of practices that distort competition, including forced labor. 

Forced Labor as an Unfair Method of Competition

So, how do you determine whether something qualifies as an unfair method of competition or unfair act? The Federal Circuit has already explained that the answer to this question should be “decided under a uniform federal standard.” TianRui Grp. Co. v. Int’l Trade Comm’n, 661 F.3d 1322, 1327 (Fed. Cir. 2011). And complainants here offer such a federal standard: violation of a federal law. The ITC has recognized that violating some predicate federal statutes can give rise to a Section 337 claim, such as violations of the Sherman Act and the Prevent All Cigarette Trafficking Act. 

As described above, forced labor is a multibillion dollar industry, allowing companies to cut costs by mistreating workers. The serious economic impacts of forced labor is something that Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the Department of Labor, the U.S. Trade Representative, the Department of Justice, and the ILO have all recognized. But beyond just giving companies a competitive edge, importing goods produced with forced labor also violates federal law: Section 307 of the Tariff Act.  Section 307 prohibits importing goods “manufactured wholly or in part in any foreign country by convict labor or/and forced labor or/and indentured labor.” Complainants argue, then, that when proposed respondents violate Section 307 by importing shrimp produced by forced labor, this violation is evidence of an unfair act under Section 337. 

The typical method of seeking redress under Section 307 is to file a complaint with CBP seeking a Withhold Release Order (WRO), which is a type of import ban. But the WRO is a blunt tool, and complainants are not privy to CBP’s investigative or decision making process, sometimes waiting years to find out whether CBP will issue a WRO. Section 337 complaints in the ITC, in contrast, are a full adjudicative process that allows both sides to present evidence and for the ITC, if it so chooses, to institute a full investigation, to issue an exclusion order for importers, and to issue cease and desist orders for downstream sellers. 

And, as complainants argue, although Section 307 complaints are submitted to CBP, nothing in either Sections 307 or 337 indicate that CBP has exclusive jurisdiction over forced labor claims. In fact, multiple other agencies – including the Department of Justice, the Department of Labor, and the U.S. Trade Representative – exercise their powers to address forced labor in imports. 

In sum, complainants argue that proposed respondent Nekkanti’s alleged use of forced labor distorts competitive conditions, leading directly to economic harms in the U.S. shrimp industry. Because forced labor is an unfair method of competition and an unfair act that violates federal law, and because the use of forced labor injures complainants’ U.S. shrimp businesses, complainants request that the ITC act under its Section 337 authority to issue a trade remedy to protect U.S. shrimpers. This would, ultimately, have a beneficial impact on the workers who are victimized by the underlying labor abuses. 

What Comes Next

The shrimpers filed their case on October 28, 2026. Once the Federal Register publishes its notice about the complaint, there will be an eight-day period for the public to submit comments in support of (or against) the ITC Commissioners instituting (that is, accepting) the case. There is then a thirty-day period during which the Commissioners  decide whether or not to institute it – that is, whether or not to open an investigation and instruct an administrative law judge regarding how to proceed.  

The ultimate remedy in this case would be a total ban on the importation of goods from proposed respondents that were produced with forced labor. An import ban is an extremely powerful pressure point that would leave the respondents little choice but to stop their labor abuses if they ever wish to sell shrimp in the United States again. A positive outcome in this case should lead to tangible improvements in the living and working conditions for the many workers suffering under forced labor at these Indian shrimp facilities. 

To read more, click here.

To read the press release, click here..


Tony Maquiling is a Legal Fellow at CAL.

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Central Romana y el Gobierno dominicano niegan trabajo forzoso—48 organizaciones responden

En agosto de 2026, Corporate Accountability Lab (CAL) publicó Bitter Empire: Labor Exploitation in the Dominican Sugar Sector and the Trump-Billionaire Alliance Behind It, un informe basado en más de tres años de investigación de campo y entrevistas con trabajadores sobre las condiciones laborales en la industria azucarera dominicana. El informe documenta bajos salarios, problemas con el pago y las prestaciones, viviendas deterioradas, condiciones inadecuadas de trabajo, intimidación y otras condiciones asociadas a indicadores de trabajo forzoso.

Central Romana respondió calificando el informe de “plagado de inexactitudes y falsedades” y sostuvo que presentar como hechos las denuncias recogidas en el informe era difamatorio. La empresa también señaló que trabaja para mejorar las condiciones laborales y de vida de sus trabajadores y que cumple con las leyes dominicanas y los estándares internacionales.

Días después, el ministro de Trabajo, Eddy Olivares, afirmó que en República Dominicana no existe trabajo forzoso y defendió el trabajo de inspección de su ministerio. Según sus declaraciones, el país no puede ser calificado como un lugar donde existe trabajo forzoso.

En respuesta a estas declaraciones, 48 organizaciones de República Dominicana, América Latina y el Caribe, y Europa suscribieron un comunicado en respaldo a los hallazgos de CAL. Señalaron que las condiciones documentadas en el informe no son nuevas y que trabajadores y organizaciones las vienen denunciando desde hace años.

“Las organizaciones abajo firmantes expresamos nuestra preocupación por la persistencia del trabajo forzoso en la industria azucarera dominicana y denunciamos la complicidad del Gobierno dominicano y de autoridades estadounidenses, reflejada, entre otros hechos, en el levantamiento de la restricción a las importaciones de azúcar de Central Romana pese a la persistencia de denuncias sobre trabajo forzoso. Esta realidad consta en diversas investigaciones e informes sobre derechos humanos, incluyendo el reciente informe de Corporate Accountability Lab (CAL), Bitter Empire: Labor Exploitation in the Dominican Sugar Sector and the Trump-Billionaire Alliance Behind It. Las graves condiciones laborales y de vida documentadas en el sector azucarero dominicano no son nuevas ni pueden descartarse calificándolas de falsas o difamatorias.”

El comunicado insta a Central Romana a publicar una evaluación realizada por Elevate, una firma especializada en auditorías laborales y cadenas de suministro, que según la empresa no encontró evidencia de trabajo forzoso. Las organizaciones sostuvieron que “si la empresa utiliza esa evaluación para defender sus prácticas laborales, debe publicar íntegramente sus resultados, metodología y recomendaciones. La transparencia exige que la documentación utilizada para sustentar esas afirmaciones pueda ser sometida al escrutinio público”.

Las organizaciones también fueron críticas con la falta de protección adecuada por parte del Estado dominicano a las personas migrantes haitianas y trabajadoras de ascendencia haitiana. Según el comunicado, estas personas están expuestas a “detenciones y deportaciones arbitrarias que violan la normativa nacional” y señalaron que “persisten barreras para la regularización del estatus legal, el acceso a servicios esenciales y el ejercicio y defensa de sus derechos. En estas condiciones, no puede afirmarse seriamente que los trabajadores del sector azucarero sean realmente libres para denunciar abusos, abandonar un empleo, exigir salarios y prestaciones o acudir a la justicia. Quienes viven bajo el miedo, la incertidumbre y la amenaza constante de expulsión difícilmente pueden ejercer sus derechos laborales en condiciones de igualdad”.

Finalmente, destacaron la posición “contradictoria” del Gobierno estadounidense, que ha impuesto aranceles a República Dominicana por no implementar y hacer cumplir una prohibición a las importaciones de productos elaborados con trabajo forzoso, por un lado, mientras permite nuevamente el ingreso al mercado estadounidense del azúcar producido por Central Romana. “Esta contradicción pone en entredicho la coherencia de la política estadounidense en materia de trabajo forzoso y exige esclarecer las circunstancias en las que se levantó la Orden de Retención de Importaciones (WRO)”.

Las siguientes organizaciones suscribieron el comunicado:

Organizaciones firmantes de República Dominicana

• Articulación Nacional Campesina (ANC)

• Asociación Acción Verapaz

• Asociación de Seibanos con Discapacidad

• Asociación de Seibanos Sin Techo

• Asociación Servicios Culturales Dominicanos

• Asociación Valle de Bendición

• Centro De Investigacion Y Promocion Social -CIPROS

• Centro de Estudios Institucionales de Teología Santo Domingo de Guzmán (CEIT)

• Centro de Salud Fr. Luis Oregui

• Colectivo HaitianosRD

• Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos

• Coordinadora Popular Nacional (CPN) / RD

• Frente Amplio de Lucha Popular (FALPO)

• Hermanas Dominicas de Nuestra Rosario de Fátima

• Hermanas Misioneras de la Asunción

• Hermanas Scalabrinianas

• Misioneras Dominicas del Rosario

• Movimiento Bayahibe Despierta

• Movimiento Popular Dominicano

• Movimiento RECONOCIDO

• Movimiento Socialista de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores

• Movimiento Unidos por una mejor Provincia de El Seibo

• Orden de Predicadores – Dominicos

• Patria Para Todos (PPT)

• Proyecto Agropecuario Virgen de Covadonga

• Radio Seybo

• Red CLAMOR

• Red Urbano Popular

• Servicio Jesuita con Migrantes República Dominicana

• Unión de Trabajadores Cañeros (UTC)

Organizaciones firmantes de América Latina

• Asociación Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Educación y Comunicación Popular (ALER)

• Centro de Investigación, Formación y Emprendimiento (CIFEm)

• Comissão Pastoral da Terra - CPT

• Parroquia del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús de La Habana

• Pax Christi Internacional

• Programa y Red Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Tierras y Aguas

Organizaciones firmantes de Europa

• Asociación Acción Verapaz

• Asociación Colectivo Agar, espacio de investigación y encuentro desde la diversidad

• Asociación Colectivo Territorio Doméstico

• Asociación Riojana de Solidaridad Anacaona. CIF G-26419598

• Asociación Senda de Cuidados

• Asociación Studium Pro Aequalitas

• Fraternidad de laicos de Santo Domingo de San Martín de Porres

• Fraternidad de laicos Dominicos de Torrent

• Fraternidad Laical de Santo Domingo Nuestra Señora de Atocha

• Misioneros Dominicos – Selvas Amazónicas

• Observatorio de Derechos Humanos Samba Martine

• Dominicans for Justice and Peace

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Central Romana and the Dominican Government Deny Forced Labor —48 Organizations Respond

In August 2026, Corporate Accountability Lab (CAL) published Bitter Empire: Labor Exploitation in the Dominican Sugar Sector and the Trump-Billionaire Alliance Behind It, a report based on more than three years of field research and interviews with workers about labor conditions in the Dominican sugar industry. The report documents low wages, problems with pay and benefits, deteriorating housing, inadequate working conditions, intimidation, and other conditions associated with indicators of forced labor.

Central Romana responded by calling the report “riddled with inaccuracies and falsehoods” and argued that presenting the allegations documented in the report as facts was defamatory. The company also stated that it is working to improve the labor and living conditions of its workers and complies with Dominican law and international standards.

Days later, Minister of Labor Eddy Olivares said that forced labor does not exist in the Dominican Republic and defended his ministry’s inspection work. According to his statements, the country cannot be characterized as a place where forced labor exists.

In response to these statements, 48 organizations from the Dominican Republic, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Europe signed a statement supporting CAL’s findings. They noted that the conditions documented in the report are not new and that workers and organizations have been raising these concerns for years.

“The undersigned organizations express our concern regarding the persistence of forced labor in the Dominican sugar industry and denounce the complicity of the Dominican government and U.S. authorities—evidenced, among other things, by the lifting of the import ban on sugar from Central Romana despite ongoing allegations of forced labor. This reality is documented in various investigations and human rights reports, including the recent report by Corporate Accountability Lab…The severe working and living conditions documented in the Dominican sugar sector are neither new nor can they be dismissed as false or defamatory.”

The statement calls upon Central Romana to release an assessment conducted by Elevate, a firm specializing in labor and supply-chain audits, which the company claims found no evidence of forced labor. The organizations argued that “[i]f the company uses that assessment to defend its labor practices, it must publish the full results, methodology, and recommendations. Transparency requires that the documentation used to support those claims be open to public scrutiny.”

The organizations were also critical of the failure of the Dominican state to adequately protect Haitian migrants and workers of Haitian descent. According to the statement, these workers are exposed to “arbitrary detentions and deportations that violate national regulations,” and identified that “barriers persist regarding legal status regularization, access to essential services, and the exercise and defense of their rights. Under these conditions, it cannot seriously be claimed that sugar sector workers are truly free to report abuses, leave a job, demand wages and benefits, or seek legal redress. Those living in fear, uncertainty, and under the constant threat of expulsion can hardly exercise their labor rights on equal terms.”

Finally, they highlighted the “contradictory” position of the U.S. government, which has imposed tariffs on the Dominican Republic for failing to implement and enforce a forced labor import ban, on the one hand, while allowing Central Romana sugar back into the U.S. market. “This contradiction calls into question the consistency of U.S. policy regarding forced labor and necessitates clarification of the circumstances under which the Withhold Release Order (WRO) was lifted.”


The following organizations signed on to the statement:

From the Dominican Republic

• Articulación Nacional Campesina (ANC)

• Asociación Acción Verapaz

• Asociación de Seibanos con Discapacidad

• Asociación de Seibanos Sin Techo

• Asociación Servicios Culturales Dominicanos

• Asociación Valle de Bendición

• Centro De Investigacion Y Promocion Social -CIPROS

• Centro de Estudios Institucionales de Teología Santo Domingo de Guzmán (CEIT)

• Centro de Salud Fr. Luis Oregui

• Colectivo HaitianosRD

• Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos

• Coordinadora Popular Nacional (CPN) / RD

• Frente Amplio de Lucha Popular (FALPO)

• Hermanas Dominicas de Nuestra Rosario de Fátima

• Hermanas Misioneras de la Asunción

• Hermanas Scalabrinianas

• Misioneras Dominicas del Rosario

• Movimiento Bayahibe Despierta

• Movimiento Popular Dominicano

• Movimiento RECONOCIDO

• Movimiento Socialista de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores

• Movimiento Unidos por una mejor Provincia de El Seibo

• Orden de Predicadores – Dominicos

• Patria Para Todos (PPT)

• Proyecto Agropecuario Virgen de Covadonga

• Radio Seybo

• Red CLAMOR

• Red Urbano Popular

• Servicio Jesuita con Migrantes República Dominicana

• Unión de Trabajadores Cañeros (UTC)

From Latin America

• Asociación Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Educación y Comunicación Popular (ALER)

• Centro de Investigación, Formación y Emprendimiento (CIFEm)

• Comissão Pastoral da Terra - CPT

• Parroquia del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús de La Habana

• Pax Christi Internacional

• Programa y Red Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Tierras y Aguas

From Europe

• Asociación Acción Verapaz

• Asociación Colectivo Agar, espacio de investigación y encuentro desde la diversidad

• Asociación Colectivo Territorio Doméstico

• Asociación Riojana de Solidaridad Anacaona. CIF G-26419598

• Asociación Senda de Cuidados

• Asociación Studium Pro Aequalitas

• Fraternidad de laicos de Santo Domingo de San Martín de Porres

• Fraternidad de laicos Dominicos de Torrent

• Fraternidad Laical de Santo Domingo Nuestra Señora de Atocha

• Misioneros Dominicos – Selvas Amazónicas

• Observatorio de Derechos Humanos Samba Martine

• Dominicans for Justice and Peace

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France’s Duty of Vigilance Law and Pathways to Corporate Accountability

France’s Duty of Vigilance Law and Pathways to Corporate Accountability

Looking forward, France will soon be required to transpose the EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) into its national laws. The CSDDD is a set of regulations aiming to ensure sustainable corporate activity for European companies and their foreign subsidiaries. Originally, the CSDDD was more ambitious than France’s Duty of Vigilance law, but following lobbying from the French government and multi-national corporations––as well as from other EU member governments––the EU has significantly walked back the regulations

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Corporate Accountability Lab Sues Aqua Star for False Advertising of its “Responsibly Sourced” Shrimp

Corporate Accountability Lab Sues Aqua Star for False Advertising of its “Responsibly Sourced” Shrimp

On March 11, 2026, Corporate Accountability Lab and Toxin Free USA filed a lawsuit against seafood giant Aqua Star under Washington, D.C.’s Consumer Protection Procedures Act (CPPA), alleging that the company falsely advertises its farmed shrimp products as “responsibly sourced” and “sustainably sourced.” According to the complaint, Aqua Star sources shrimp from facilities linked to exploitative labor conditions and environmentally destructive practices that have been widely documented in the Indian shrimp industry. The lawsuit alleges that these practices conflict with the Aqua Star’s marketing claims that its shrimp are responsibly and sustainably produced.  

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“We’re Going to Take Back the Oil”: Venezuela and the Risk of Corporate Capture of U.S. Foreign Policy

“We’re Going to Take Back the Oil”: Venezuela and the Risk of Corporate Capture of U.S. Foreign Policy

While there are many critiques that could be leveled against the Trump administration in light of Maduro’s arrest, this article questions whether corporate capture of the U.S. government may be driving Trump’s increasingly interventionist foreign policy. Before this month’s operation, Trump justified his administration’s action against Venezuela, including striking more than thirty boats in the Caribbean and threatening future attacks on land, by claiming he was targeting drug-trafficking networks. And in fact, Maduro was arraigned on drug-trafficking charges in federal court in New York. But in the immediate aftermath of Maduro’s arrest, Trump started to discuss Venezuelan oil with increasing frequency, leading us to wonder whether getting “wealth out of the ground” was a deciding factor in the operational decision-making.

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Five Reasons Litigators Should Join the Climate Fight

Five Reasons Litigators Should Join the Climate Fight

Scaling up climate civil litigation against corporations, the largest greenhouse gas emitters, can hold them accountable for their actions and mitigate additional harms. Climate change litigation can drive down greenhouse gas emissions; push for better responses to the effects of climate change; or provide compensation to impacted communities. By leveraging the creative potential of the law and prioritizing legally viable, replicable, and impactful strategies, litigators may be able to secure remedies that effectively change corporate behavior and create institutional change. 

The climate crisis calls for an all-hands-on-deck response, and litigators from various fields have a critical role to play. For those still on the fence about whether to get involved, here are five reasons why now is the time to bring your unique skill set to the climate fight.

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Updates on Akhmad, et al. v. Bumble Bee Foods: Moving Towards Justice on the High Seas

Updates on Akhmad, et al. v. Bumble Bee Foods: Moving Towards Justice on the High Seas

In March 2025, four Indonesian fishers filed a lawsuit in California against Bumble Bee Foods, a major U.S. tuna company. The fishers claimed Bumble Bee had violated the prohibition on forced labor under the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA). 

On November 12, 2025, a district court allowed the case against Bumble Bee Foods to continue beyond the motion to dismiss stage. This is an important decision, making it more likely that the four plaintiff fishers – who faced severe deprivation and abuse while out at sea – will eventually receive a remedy. 

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Chicago Under Attack: Federal Violence and the Corporations That Fund It

Chicago Under Attack: Federal Violence and the Corporations That Fund It

A little over a week ago, Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson publicly called on the United Nations Human Rights Council to send independent experts to Chicago to investigate the ongoing abuses at the hands of federal immigration officials. Thirteen months ago, we would not have believed that our Mayor would be calling on the United Nations to investigate the federal government waging war on our home city. Given the bloody history of this country, it would not be correct to say this is shocking. More so, the swift descent to where we are now, barely ten months into this administration’s reign of power, is profoundly unsettling. Whatever rule of law the United States could ever claim to have—even if it only benefitted the privileged—is gone. Despite district courts’ restraining orders, federal agents continue to use chemical weapons, projectiles, and violence against their own people. Our own government appears to be wantonly trampling on our rights; and we are barely ten months in. 

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Funds from Forced Labor: What The Daily Missed about the Fanjuls’ Donation to the White House Ballroom

Funds from Forced Labor: What The Daily Missed about the Fanjuls’ Donation to the White House Ballroom

That the Fanjuls would donate to President Trump’s construction project did not come as a surprise to those of us at CAL who have been following the saga of sugar from the Dominican Republic that is tainted by labor abuses. The Fanjul family operates a vast sugar conglomerate comprising the likes of Domino Sugar, Florida Crystals, and Central Romana Corporation, a massive sugar producer in the Dominican Republic that exports to the United States and that workers and human rights advocates have denounced for decades for its use of forced labor. Central Romana has already benefited from the “first family of corporate welfare’s” close relationship to President Trump. 

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One Year After 30 Cocoa Farmers Filed a Grievance, COCOBOD is Still Failing Farmers

One Year After 30 Cocoa Farmers Filed a Grievance, COCOBOD is Still Failing Farmers

Following decades of failed regulatory action in Ghana that has allowed chocolate companies to continuously undercut cocoa farmers, in October 2024, a group of 30 farmers brought four demands before the Ghana Cocoa Board (COCOBOD). On October 31, 2024, Corporate Accountability Lab (CAL), the University of Ghana School of Law, and Civic Response (Ghana) submitted a grievance to COCOBOD’s grievance and redress mechanism on behalf of 30 cocoa farmers. Yet in the year since filing, COCOBOD has done little to respond to the documented violations – or to improve conditions for cocoa farmers or protect the environment in Ghana. 

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Spooky Sweets: The Frightening Reality of the 2025 Cocoa Market

Spooky Sweets: The Frightening Reality of the 2025 Cocoa Market

The cocoa industry is complex, and volatile market prices and companies’ responses can easily grab consumers’ attention this Halloween season. But we should not simply focus on big corporations and market forces and ignore the human reality behind the dollar sign. Climate change, deforestation, and disease are doing more than raising the cost of Halloween candy; they are threatening the livelihoods of the many farmers who helped make the season so sweet.

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A Tribute to Sister Jean, Basketball Icon & Labor Rights Advocate

A Tribute to Sister Jean, Basketball Icon & Labor Rights Advocate

With her recent passing at 106 years old, Jean Dolores Schmidt, a Sister of Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary (BVM), left behind a spirited legacy reaching far beyond the basketball court. Leading with a steadfast commitment to people and the planet, Sister Jean’s community partnered with CAL to integrate a groundbreaking legal mechanism into the supply chain contracts for goods produced with her image and likeness, or bearing any Sr. Jean quotes like her classic “Work, worship and win.” CAL, which had recently been established as a legal design lab to imagine new ways to uphold human rights in global supply chains, was grappling with the fact that while supplier codes of conduct were proliferating across industries to address human rights risks, workers reported few actual changes on the ground. CAL saw this problem as an opportunity: those well-meaning codes could be made enforceable by workers and impacted communities, the people who have the most to gain from their enforcement, and the most to lose when their terms are ignored. We found a natural teammate to test this idea in Sister Jean.

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CAL’s Case Against Sambazon Moves Forward After Appeals Court Victory

CAL’s Case Against Sambazon Moves Forward After Appeals Court Victory

In March 2023, CAL sued açaí multinational Sambazon under Washington D.C.’s consumer protection statute for misleading consumers about its sourcing practices. Sustainability and ethical sourcing constitute cornerstones of Sambazon’s marketing, while açaí production continues to be a process rife with hazardous child labor. This summer we have successfully overcome efforts to dismiss the case on procedural grounds, and we are pushing forward to hold Sambazon accountable to the truth. This blog post first describes why this decision is a win for CAL and broader efforts to hold companies accountable for misleading consumers. It then presents insights from two investigations in Brazil which underscore that hazardous child labor persists as a feature of an industry. 

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Beef with the Brazilian Cattle Industry

Beef with the Brazilian Cattle Industry

Brazil is the world’s largest beef exporter and the third largest exporter of an increasingly profitable byproduct: beef tallow. Behind this multibillion dollar industry are supply chains riddled with forced labor. Major corporations, including JBS, Minerva, Marfrig, Diamond Green Diesel (DGD), FASA Group, and Aramco Americas profit from this forced labor. On July 24, 2025, Corporate Accountability Lab’s (CAL) published a report, Bullsh*t: Forced Labor in Brazil’s Beef and Tallow Supply Chains, which details these abuses and traces the supply chain from fifteen ranches into the United States. That same day, CAL submitted information to U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) under Section 307 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (Section 307), requesting they block all imports of beef tallow – a beef byproduct – produced with forced labor.

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Alame & ors. v. Shell Plc: UK Court Rejects Shell’s Attempt to Escape Liability for Nigerian Oil Pollution

Alame & ors. v. Shell Plc: UK Court Rejects Shell’s Attempt to Escape Liability for Nigerian Oil Pollution

After nearly a decade of legal back-and-forth, a major decision from the UK High Court has moved the case against Shell plc (Shell) and its former Nigerian subsidiary one step closer to trial. On June 20, the Court ruled that the Bille and Ogale communities in Ogoniland in the Niger Delta can pursue claims for environmental harm dating back decades, rejecting Shell’s attempt to escape liability based on procedural technicalities. For the tens of thousands of residents living with the aftermath of oil spills, this ruling opens a path forward. And for others watching from across the globe, where multinational corporations have extracted resources and left destruction behind, it’s a moment worth paying attention to.

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Widespread Chattel Slavery in Mauritania: A Wake Up Call for Corporate Due Diligence 

Widespread Chattel Slavery in Mauritania: A Wake Up Call for Corporate Due Diligence 

Although some think of chattel slavery as a practice of the past, it is a daily reality for far too many. In Mauritania, there are an estimated 149,000 individuals still enslaved, out of a population of under five million. In addition to raising alarming concerns for human rights accountability over private individuals perpetrating slavery in Mauritania, this reality brings to light important issues for companies who source agricultural goods from local farmers who have historically relied on slave labor. These companies’ responsibilities are heightened in a country with a deep-rooted legacy of slavery.

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Updates on Ratha v. Phatthana Seafood: The Seafood Case Shaping Accountability for Human Trafficking

Updates on Ratha v. Phatthana Seafood: The Seafood Case Shaping Accountability for Human Trafficking

This blog post provides an update on the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPRA) case against five defendant seafood companies: Phatthana Seafood Co., Ltd.; S.S. Frozen Food Co., Ltd.; Doe Corporations; Rubicon Resources, LLC; and Wales & Co. Universe Ltd. It provides an overview of the harms workers faced, a history of the case, and an interpretation of the latest TVPRA amendment currently impacting this case. It concludes by discussing how the Ninth Circuit can rectify its mistakes and provide justice to the seven individuals whose lives were devastated by these corporations.

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Caught in a Sea of Trafficking: Akhmad, et al. v. Bumble Bee Foods

Caught in a Sea of Trafficking: Akhmad, et al. v. Bumble Bee Foods

On March 12, 2025, four Indonesian fishers filed suit in San Diego, California, against Bumble Bee Foods. They claimed they were victims of forced labor, human trafficking, and debt bondage in violation of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPRA). This case is the first human trafficking case brought against a U.S. seafood company for forced labor at sea.

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Nothing About Us Without Us: The Ogoni Demand Environmental Justice and Inclusion in Discussions around Oil Drilling Resumption

Nothing About Us Without Us: The Ogoni Demand Environmental Justice and Inclusion in Discussions around Oil Drilling Resumption

On January 21, 2025, President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria met with members of the Ogoni community of the Niger Delta to discuss the potential resumption of oil drilling within their lands. Oil extraction was halted over two decades ago, after the Ogoni people organized to end Shell’s destructive presence within their community. Ogoniland, which was once home to a rich tapestry of biodiversity, is now one of the most polluted regions on the planet.

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